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"There can be no compromise with untruth, hypocrisy, bondage and inequality"
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Speech at the first C.P. Youth Conference, Nagpur, 29 November 1929
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Friends, there are people in this country, and some of them eminent in public life who look upon the Youth Movemcnt of today with some degree of disfavour or confess that they do not appreciate the purpose and significance of this movement. There are other people, who do not realise the inner meanings of the Youth Movement, but who nevertheless have joined this movement probably out of a feeling that a movement should not be allowed to grow in which they do not play some part. |
From the dawn of the present renaissance in India up till today, several movements and thought-currents have appeared one after another. That in addition to these movements another movement should come into existence in the shape of the Youth Movement, is in itself a sufficient proof that such phenomenon was called for. There is certainlv some fundamental craving in the soul of the individual and of the nation to satisfy which the Youth Movement had to be carried. What is that fundamental craving? It is the desire for freedom and self-fulfilment.
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The country needs today a movement which will vouchsafe to the individual and to the nation complete emancipation from bondage of every kind as well as the fullest power of self-fulfilment and self-expression. There are people who should like to convert our Youth Conferences into the back benches of the Indian National Congress, but little do they understand the purpose and significance of the Youth Movement.
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Indian National Congress, being primarily a political body is naturally restricted in the scope. Even with regard to the political problem its objective has not yet been declared to be full independence. It is not, therefore, a matter for surprise that youngmen, who see life as one whole and who desire freedom in every shape of life, should feel dissatisfied with a purely political body like the Indian National Congress and would hanker after a movement which endeavours to satisfy all the cravings of the human soul and the needs of our life. It therefore follows that while the Youth Movement is not merely political, it is not non-political. In its scope it is as large as life. And since the whole includes all its parts, it is certain that the growth of the Youth Movement will stimulate our political development as well.
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The Youth Movement is an emblem of our dissatisfaction with the present order of things. It stands for the revolt of Youth against age-long bondage, tyranny and oppression. It seeks to create a new and better world for ourselves and for humanity by removing all shackles and giving the fullest scope to the creative activity of mankind. The Youth Movement is not, therefore, an additional or an exotic growth superimposed on the movements of today. It is a genuine independent movement, the main springs of which lie deeply embedded in human nature.
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This movement has come into existence because it fulfils, or strives to fulfil, a crying need of the time and the cravings of the human soul. If one does not realise the inner meanings and purpose of the movement, he can do nothing by merely joining the movement or by 'capturing' Youth associations. To my mind any association of youngmen and young women cannot deservc the name of youth association unless it has all the characteristics of the latter. As I have already hinted, all Youth Movements are characterised by a feeling of restlessness and of dissatisfaction with the existing state of things and they seek to usher in a better order. They stand for freedom from bondage and for revolt against custom and authority where custom and authority militate against the promptings of the human conscience. Their motto is, self-confidence and self-realiance — as againt blind homage and unquestioning obedience to our elders. In these circumstances one cannot be surprised if some of our elders view these movements with dislike or disfavour.
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The purpose of the Youth Movement is to recreate our whole life and to breathe into it the inspiration of a new ideal. It is this ideal which will give a new meaning and significance to the life that we create. That ideal is full all-round freedom and complete self-fulfilment. Freedom and self-fulfilment are intimately and inseparably connected. Without freedom, self-fulfilment is not possible and freedom has value because it leads to self-fulfilment.
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The Youth Movement is in its scope co-extensive with life itself. It therefore follows that the Youth Movement will have as many departments as there are aspects in our life. If we are to rejuvenate the body, we shall need sports, athletics and gymnastics. If we are to emancipate and re-educate the mind we shall need a new literature, a higher and better type of education and a healthy conception of morality. If we are to rejuvenate society, we shall have to do away ruthlessly with hide-bound ideas and customs and substitute new and healthy ones instead. Further, we shall have to revalue the existing social and moral value in the light of the ideal of the age and in all probability we shall have to introduce a new scale of values which will govern the society of the future.
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In striking out a new line of thought and action it is but natural that we should run up against existing ideas and vested interests and against the powers that be. But we should not be afraid of that. The progress of the Youth Movement will have to be affected in the teeth of opposition and in the face of numerous obstacles.
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Occasions will arise when we shall be hemmed in from all sides and it will appear as if we stand by ourselves cut off from the rest of the world. In such crisis we should remember the pregnant words of that great Irish patriot who in the face of imminent danger cried out triumphantly — "One man can save Ireland, just as one man redeemed the world." As an exponent of the Youth Movement, the moment you apply the principle of freedom to every walk of life, you at once create enemies on all sides and all the vested interests affected by your propaganda may combine for tbe purpose of crushing you. It is easy to fight even a formidable enemy on one front, but it is difficult to fight your enemies on every front simultaneously. The rank and file of the Youth Movement should, therefore, be prepared to face enemies more formidable than those whom the political workers may have to encounter.
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There is another difficulty which we in the Youth Movement should anticipate, and against which we should be forewarned. In a political movement or in a labour movement you will have to handle large crowds in order to preserve your control over them. You may have to play to the gallery on certain occasions. You may also have to bring yourselves down lo the level of the masses on certain occasious in order to keep up your communion with them. In the Youth Movement, on the other hand, you will have to say good-bye to love of popularity — if you happen to possess that feeling. On occasions you will have to take the responsibility of creating public opinion or of stemming the tide of popular feeling. If you wish to solve the fundamental firoblems of your national life, you will have to look miles ahead of your contemporaries - the mass mind is often unable to cut itself off from present day moorings and visualize the future - if you propose remedies to anticipate and counteract favour evils. It is not improbable that the mass mind will refuse to accept your prescription. On such an occasion you must summon courage to stand out alone and unfriended, in the presence of the cross as it were, and fight the presence of the cross as it were, and fight the rest of the world. One who desires to swim with the tide of the popular approbation on all occasions may become the hero of the hour — but he cannot live in history, neither be prepared for any amount of misunderstanding and for any degree of persecution. For the most unselfish actions we should be prepared to get abuse and vilification; from our closest friends we should be prepared for unwarranted hostility.
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But human nature is at bottom divine. The day of misunderstanding, abuse and persecution, however long it may be, will therefore have its end. Even if we have to meet death for the sake of our sincerest convictions, we shall through death attain immortality. Let us therefore be ready for any emergency. The rose is thrice beautiful because of its thorns and so is human life. Would not life be stale and insipid without sacrifice, suffering and persecution?
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Broadly speaking, the Youth Movement has five aspects — viz., political, social, economic, physical and cultural. The aim of the movement is a two-fold, one — to break this fiivefold bondage and as result of this emancipation to give an impetus to self-fulfilments and self-expressions. The movement is therefore both destructive and creative in character. Without destruction you cannot have a creation. That is why everywhere in nature we find destruction and creation going on side by side. If you think that destruction is bad and construction is possible without destruction, we shall be sadly mistaken. So also shall we if we regard destruction to be an end in itself. The growth and expansion of the freedom movement in any sphere of life means destruction and sometimes ruthless destruction. There can be no compromise with untruth, hypocrisy, bondage and inequality. We shall have to strike and strike hard if we have to break these shackles and we should not falter or look back when our only duly is to march ahead.
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If there is life within us — if we are not mere clods of clay untroubled by a spark, destruction will unfailingly be accompanied by creative activity. Many of the Movements that we witness today in India and abroad are reformist in character. The movements touch the fringe of our life without radically transforming it. But we want no reform — but radical transformation. The whole of our life — both individual and collective — has to be recreated. In order to fulfil this rejuvenation, we want a new conception of freedom to inspire us. Freedom has had a varying connotation in different ages and in different climes. In fact in our own country, as elsewhere, there has been an evolution of the conception of freedom. Today freedom has at least come to mean complete all-round emancipation. At least that is the interpretation which appeals to the youths. We can no longer be content with a half-way house. We want the fullest dose of freedom and we want it in every sphere of life. If we love freedom and love it for its own sake, we cannot possibly tolerate bondage or inequality of any sort. Whether in the political, or in the economic, or in the social sphere — we must be prepared for a full application of the principle of freedom. Every human being — man or woman — is born equal and he or she shall have equal opportunities of development — that should be our dictum. This is a principle which is easy to utter bur difficult to act upon — in view of the enormous difficulties we shall have to encounter in giving effect to it.
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Friends, I shall not take up your time unnecessarily by referring to the detailed programme of work which should be adopted by those who desire to help the growth and expansion of the Youth Movement. My task is over when I have dealt with the principles, aims and objects of this movement. Our ideal is an exceedingly ambltious one, probably the most ambitious one that one can concede to. We want to transform our whole life and to create a new world and better world for ourselves and for humanity. In order to achieve this, we must rouse all the best that is in us. It is the magic touch of freedom which alone can awaken our dormant faculties and galvanise us into ceasless activity. How can we rouse this desire for freedom in ourselves firstly and then in our countrymen, is our first and foremost problem. We must feel the stings of slavery, the pangs of bondage if we are to cry out for freedom from the bottom of our heart. When this feeling becomes acute, we shall realise that life with out freedom is not worth living and as this experience grows, a time will come when our whole soul will be consumed with the longing for liberty.
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It is at this stage that we can become missionaries for preaching the gospel of freedom. As freedom intoxicated men and women, we should then go from door to door, from village to village, and from city to city to preach the cult of freedom. Every walk of life will feel the breath of life as a result of this propaganda. Destruction and creation will begin. The body politics, the economic order and the social order will be stirred by a new impulse and a new ideal — namely the ideal of freedom and equality. False standards, hide-bound customs and age-long restrictions will be pulled down and a new order will gradually come into existence. If we succeed in bringing into existence this new order — based on liberty, equality and fraternity — we shall solve not merely a national problem — but also a world problem.
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India is an epitome of the world. India's problems are world-problems in miniature. The solution of India's problems is, therefore a solution of world problems. India lives today inspite of untold suffering and misery and inspite of numerous invasions — because she has a mission to fulfil. India has to save herself because by saving herself she will save the world. India has to attain freedom because a free India will be able to make a suitable contribution to the culture and civilization of the world. The world is anxiously awaiting India's gift. Without that, the world will be all the poorer.
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Friends, our responsibility is great, in every age, in every clime. Youths have been the torch-bearers of liberty. We have to live up to the example of Youths abroad. What they have achieved elsewhere, certainly the Youths of India can achieve here, if only we rise to the occasion. We are living in momentous times and the fate of India is in the hands of the youths. I have no doubt that the youths of this country realise the great responsibility that rests on them. I have no doubt that through their sacrifice, suffering and labour, India will before long be a free country where men and women will be free and have equal opportunities for education and development. India shall be free — of that there is not the slightest doubt. The only question is, when she will be free. We have all been born slaves but let as all resolve to die as free men. And if we are not to see India free in our own life-time, let us at least die in the attempts to free India. The path to freedom is a thorny path — but is also the path to immortality. To this noble path I invite you — my sisters and brothers of the Central Provinces.
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